Archive for the ‘Jim Jaffe’ Category

Reform Is Not To Blame For Rising Health Care Costs

Jim Jaffe
Monday, March 7th, 2011

Jim Jaffe, is a former Congressional staffer who worked on economic, tax and health policy issues for nearly two decades. After leaving the Hill, he led the external relations efforts for the Employee Benefits Research Institute and the Center for Advancing Health. He currently writes for CenteredPolitics.com, a web discussion on public policy and politics and the Huffington Post.

(this post first appeared on Centered Politics)

In a development so predictable that it hardly merits being called news, American health care costs continue to rise and opponents of the new health reform law say the Obama plan is to blame.  Some small employers report massive insurance premium increases.

There’s some truth to this criticism.  Insurance coverage has been expanded to cover older children and preventive services.  Such modest expansions of coverage require at least modest premium boosts – whether they’ll later be offset by other reforms remains to be seen.  As usual, the new law serves dessert first and saves the spinach for later.

Anticipation of what is to come far outweighs the cost of broader benefits.  Everyone involved is preparing for an uncertain future by attempting to maximize their advantage at the start, a strategy that pushes everything up.  All seem to have absorbed the unspoken central message that the reformed system aims to reduce consumption.

Patients disbelieve the promise that they will be able to keep the insurance they now have, sensing that employers will continue to slim options and, in today’s economy, many are fearful that they won’t have a job with good benefits in the future.  So they press ahead to solve minor problems while they still have insurance to pay the bills.

Providers – hospitals and physicians – know that there will be continuing efforts to reduce reimbursement in the years ahead.  By maximizing the services now, they simultaneously increase income while inflating the base that will be used as a benchmark for cuts in the future.

This tendency to maximize income before big, painful changes come is fed by the realization that Medicaid reimbursement is at risk now and Medicare reimbursement will probably be pushed down later.  Providers have less clout in setting these rates.  So it appears they will be increasingly dependent on payments made by private insurers, the core of today’s cost pressures.

Finally, the new law pushes insurers in this direction by limiting the amount of money they can keep to a fixed percentage of what they collect, which means that the easiest way to raise profits is to increase premiums.

From my perspective, it appears that all forces are aligned at the moment for patients to maximize the amount of care they receive and providers to maximize the revenue it generates.  The hope – which members of both groups view as a fear – is that the dynamic will change later.  In any event, neither group will be disadvantaged by such behavior now.

Theoretically, I suppose, it could have been possible to draft a law with different incentives – perhaps by promising priority corrective action in any metropolitan area where costs were significantly above average – or increases exceeded the norm.  For many obvious reasons, this wasn’t done.

We can view the latest data as disturbing, but it is probably the inevitable result of any legislation that attempts to lower bills over time.  Partisan rhetoric notwithstanding, there is no reason to believe that repeal would erase the numbers or reverse the trend.

Editors Note: :  Related link- As Health Costs Soar, G.O.P. and Insurers Differ on Cause NYTimes March 4, 2011

Who’s Afraid Of The Big Bad Blues And Why

Jim Jaffe
Thursday, October 21st, 2010

Jim Jaffe, is a former Congressional staffer who worked on economic, tax and health policy issues for nearly two decades. After leaving the Hill, he led the external relations efforts for the Employee Benefits Research Institute and the Center for Advancing Health.  He currently writes for CenteredPolitics.com, a web discussion on public policy and politics and the Huffington Post.    


Some broad questions about how bad it is to be big are raised by the government’s new antitrust suit against Blue Cross Blue Shield of Michigan, which allegedly used its market dominance to force hospitals to charge other insurers a third more than the insurance giant paid.  One can see how this could help the nonprofit Blues control the market, but it is difficult to determine how this was in the public interest – or even advantageous to those it was covering.

Not surprisingly the insurer sees things a bit differently and may explain its perspective in court.  I hope there will be a public discussion – rather than a quiet negotiated settlement – and that it will touch on some of the larger issues involved — how health care providers, including physicians, hospitals and insurers have been bulking up to exert greater market control, whether that apparently unstoppable trend is a good or bad idea and what links, if any, it has to the “too big to fail” argument we’ve seen raised and then ignored in the financial services industry in the past year.

Everyone agrees that coming health reforms will lead to greater concentration in the delivery of medical care, accelerating an ongoing process.  That’s a development that can make things better or worse, which is why I think it’s worth thinking about what we can do to assure that the change is for the better.

Let’s begin by looking at the positive side of bigness.  An insurer – like the Michigan Blues – that controls much of the market can negotiate tough deals for lower reimbursements that can result in lower premiums for the insured population.  It also has the power to impose protocols by refusing to deal with providers – or penalizing them – if they don’t meet certain quality standards.  They also have access to rafts of data which can be helpful in determining what type of medical care works best.  A large physician group can more readily afford the costs of electronic medical records and 24-hour patient access.  And a hospital with more beds can buy in bulk or afford the administrative personnel needed to plan and implement an effective quality control program.

These are real advantages that can’t be wished away by gauzy memories of Norman Rockwell-painted solo family doctors who didn’t have aggressive billing offices.  In any event, solo practitioners – whether doctors or lawyers – are disappearing because of larger changes within our society, including the relentless embrace of greater specialization.

But acknowledging the positive side of bigness doesn’t eliminate the obvious potential problems, including those raised by the government in its suit.  Not only can insurers distort the market in a way that hurts consumers, but providers can do the same.  As hospitals in the Washington area have become more concentrated, each of the resulting groups has more clout in negotiating with insurers to force them (and ultimately those they insure to pay more).  A few years ago, for instance, it might have been possible for a bold insurer to threaten to remove Georgetown University’s hospital from its preferred provider list unless it received a heavily discounted reimbursement rate.  But barring Medstar, Georgetown’s parent that also owns Washington Hospital Center and the National Rehabilitation Center, is probably impossible.  Johns Hopkins is creating a hospital chain of its own in the Washington-Baltimore area.

Such entities may be more likely to eliminate unneeded beds than independent competitors are, but they also have much greater economic power, which reduces the power of patients and the insurers who loosely represent them.

In the broader world, the “too big to fail” cloud continues to hover with the implicit threat the government would be forced to prop up any entity – be it insurer, hospital group or, conceivably, a large physician group practice – that ran into serious difficulty.  That again raises the moral hazard issue that arises when such entities use the reassurance that they won’t be allowed to fail to justify risky business strategies.

Upcoming health reforms will accelerate concentration within medicine.  It might be prudent to chew over some of these broader questions now before the trend picks up irreversible momentum.

Could Less Health Care Be Better for Our Health?

Jim Jaffe
Monday, October 4th, 2010

Jim JaffeI’ve begun to doubt my belief that educating patients would help make our health system more efficient.     I used to hope that Americans would become increasingly sophisticated at separating minor problems from major ones and would stop sweating the small stuff.   I could be diplomatic and say there’s scant evidence that’s happening.  In reality, I can find none.

Unsurprisingly, health marketers of all stripes are pushing us in the opposite direction.  Not only are the drug companies keeping the nightly network news programs afloat by advertising cures for newly discovered problems, but hospitals and disease groups are weighing in with a relentless message—if you feel uncomfortable or have any of the symptoms we’re describing, consult your doctor (or visit our emergency room) at once.  Finally, the public health folks within the government pile on regularly, reporting that we’re not getting as many mammograms or colonoscopies as we ought or that the many more of us should be taking cholesterol-reducing drugs.

Despite accumulating evidence that at least one-fifth of all health spending is useless, wasted or actually counterproductive; no one is helping us decide when less is better and how we could be healthier by actually having less contact with our health care system.  So it isn’t particularly surprising that demand keeps rising, challenging out ability to pay the resulting bill.

Thanks to the Internet, we have an opportunity to know more about our health.  We’re spending more on our health.  But we don’t seem to be getting any healthier.

The great minds that have been so successful at convincing us about symptoms we should take seriously don’t find the challenge of pinpointing symptoms we should not take seriously equally compelling.  There’s only one simple rule—if it feels bad, get it treated.

One of my hobbies in recent years has been to put together a compact curriculum for retirement planning.   I can lay out rules in less than a minute that provide the basis for a comfortable retirement.  On the other hand, those with other inclinations can make a career of it, immersing themselves in magazines, Web sites and cable channels that deal with this issue.   It may be that their approach is more sophisticated and yields a slightly better result.  But many people who need help lack the resources, starting with patience, to fully engage in and understand such detailed plans.  For them, my approach may be preferable.

In medicine, though, there is no such simple option.  Everything is complicated, which makes those involved feel smart and makes the rest of us reliant on them, a result that’s good for both their egos and pocketbooks.

Ultimately, though, if the substantial amount we’re spending on informing patients doesn’t make them any healthier or the system any more efficient,  there may be a case for coming up with some really simple, basic messages that people can quickly absorb and apply.